Media Manipulation: Veliaj Turns Against the System He Helped Create

As his legal troubles mount, Tirana’s acting mayor Erion Veliaj has identified a new enemy: the media. Following the Special Prosecution’s (SPAK) release of a 400-page file justifying his indictment, Veliaj is now pointing fingers at news outlets that he claims are conducting a public trial against him through selective reporting.

In a statement published on his Facebook page, Veliaj’s international lawyers condemned what they described as “justice with newspaper headlines.” The legal team expressed “deep concern about repeated attempts to transform a criminal proceeding into a spectacular public trial through SPAK-linked media and flagrant violations of the law.”

The lawyers further claimed that “custom-made articles presented as ‘exclusive revelations’ do not aim to uncover the truth, but to build a ready-made public narrative before the case is proven with facts in a courtroom.” They emphasized that in a democratic European state, “justice is administered within institutions, not in newspaper headlines, social networks, or ‘crime series’ produced by controlled media through anonymous and illegal leaks.”

Viewed in isolation, Veliaj and his defenders appear to have a valid point. The phenomenon they describe as “punishment for agitation and propaganda” with media assistance does exist to some extent. This pattern has been observed in several high-profile cases including those of opposition figures Beleri, Berisha, Meta, and former government official Ahmetaj, where SPAK allegedly employed what some media have called a “cell of SPAK journalists” to publicly stigmatize investigation targets.

Veliaj himself has experienced similar treatment. When SPAK first announced its investigation, it included details about his wife’s spending on clothing, jewelry, and lingerie – information that immediately triggered public criticism. Later, as a judge considered detention measures, media outlets with alleged ties to prosecutors spread rumors about incriminating wiretaps from his cell that would keep him in prison.

When these wiretaps were eventually released, they revealed something different: Veliaj knew he was being monitored and warned associates to be careful. The recordings portrayed him as gossiping about political allies and jealous about his wife’s freedom while he remained detained. While these recordings had limited legal significance, they shaped public perception against him.

In his recent statement, Veliaj correctly noted that “Special Prosecutors ensure everything is leaked to some special media before the victim knows, in flagrant violation of investigative secrecy, the presumption of innocence, the country’s Constitution and fundamental human rights.”

However, the irony is striking. The media manipulation system Veliaj now condemns is one he actively cultivated when he wielded power and financial resources. He worked diligently to shape Albania’s media landscape into what it is today – a system many critics describe as compromised, purchasable, and corruptible. The same tactics he deployed against theater activists, critical journalists, and political opponents – including hiring journalists and funding favorable news portals – are now being used against him.

This represents a dramatic reversal of fortune. The media ecosystem that Veliaj helped build has transformed into a machine that is pre-judging him before his legal process has properly begun. It’s a bitter lesson for a political figure who, despite potentially having legitimate grievances in this particular case, is experiencing the same treatment he previously administered to others.

The situation highlights broader concerns about media independence and judicial processes in Albania, where the line between legitimate reporting and coordinated character assassination campaigns has increasingly blurred, raising questions about both press ethics and prosecutorial conduct in high-profile cases.